How, then, does the occupational profile of the KKK compare and contrast with that of the working population at large? Table 1, as mentioned, lists the occupations of 136 activists, and the first point to make is that they do indeed reflect the wider pattern of diversity and fragmentation. Numerous occupations only figure once or twice – there is a cook, a postman, a lottery ticket seller, a pharmacist, two mechanics, two bookkeepers and so on. There are three barbers, three tailors and three waterworks employees. In aggregate, these occupations that figure only once, twice or three times on the list account for 45 of the total cohort. The remainder – 91 – can be assigned more readily into definite categories, each segmented by many gradations of rank and status, but categories nonetheless. The largest category, by a clear margin, is that of clerks (escribientes), of whom there are 32, including nine who worked in courts of law. The second largest category comprises another 21 activists whose occupations might be described in other times and climes as white collar, and for which the contemporary Spanish terms were dependiente (employee or, again, clerk) and personero (agent, representative). Two categories, by the same token, could definitely be described as blue collar – there are 15 tabaqueros and 11 workers in the printing trades. And lastly, the list includes 12 Katipunan members who served in the Spanish army, the Manila police force (the Guardia Civil Veterana) or the customs and excise guards (carabineros). Most commonly and typically, therefore, the Katipunan activists were clerks, employees, agents, tobacco workers, printers and service personnel. They were indubitably proletarians in the Marxist sense, because they did not own any means of production and had to sell their labour in order to earn a living.