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Jan 20

Six years since

Via Mindanao and Distanced, it seems our Internet woes aren’t going away any time soon. There was another earthquake off Taiwan on Wednesday, when none of the broken cables have even been repaired thus far.

News that ABC5 has axed a couple of shows (ostensibly as a concession to the Palace: Jove Francisco sets the record straight on behalf of the network he works for. Also, news that funding has been stopped for Newsbreak, which has announced the paper edition is going kaputt, but they’ll keep going strong online. They will be the first news magazine to go exclusively online.

Oh, woe are we!

Anyway…

It’s hard to imagine Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo has become the fourth-longest serving president of the country. Today, the sixth anniversary of her emergency inaugural, she matches the length of time Fidel V. Ramos was in office. By 2010 she will have become the 2nd longest-serving president in our history.

Since it’s no longer available on line, I’m reprinting here the article I published soon after the event, recounting my experiences at the Edsa Shrine and at Mendiola.

TODAY Newspaper, Focus Section
January 28, 2001

Between the barricades
By Manuel L. Quezon III
Photos by Jose B. Diego

JANUARY 18 was supposed to be the day when a million Filipinos would march on Malacañang Palace and surround it, and hopefully, convince its tenant to resign if not evict him outright. But word began to filter out that neither Cory nor Cardinal Sin wanted the march to push through. There were too many young people at the Edsa shrine; too many youngsters eager to be heroes, but too inexperienced to face the possible consequences of squaring off with a PSG already preparing its arms; the march was, to avoid widespread disappointment, announced as having been “postponed”. The 11 am assembly preparatory to the march, we were told, early in the morning, was being called off in order to await delegations expected to arrive from the provinces. But other plans were afoot.

From the 16th to the early hours of the morning of the 18th, I’d gone to the shrine night after night to shout with the rest, then come home to get some sleep and crank out editorials and columns; with the march called off on the 18th, I looked forward to some rest before returning to Edsa for a scheduled Mass at 5 pm on the 19th. It was while resting at home that I saw, on television, the sudden collapse of the Estrada government and the strange defection of the Armed Forces of the Philippines. It was less of a defection that a carefully stage-managed balancing act. Angelo Reyes, AFP Chief of Staff, appeared on television to say that while he thought Joseph Estrada was “a good President,” the AFP was, anyway, joining the side of the people and withdrawing its support from its commander-in-chief. Nothing more, nothing less.

This announcement, more along the lines of a publicity stunt than a courageous and firm stand, certainly relieved the public; there was widespread jubilation — even Satur Ocampo, noted Communist, clapped, perhaps one of the few times in his life that he has applauded the military. ABS-CBN had already shown footage of helicopter gunships on the tarmac at Villamor airbase and tanks lurking between buildings in Fort Bonifacio: at the very least it seemed the sword of war, if not exactly returned to its sheath, would not be used against the people.

It was at that point, with the AFP’s top brass having gingerly tiptoed to the side of the people at Edsa, that I returned to Edsa to hear the crowd roar with delight as Johnny-come-lately after Johnny-come-lately was proclaimed as having suddenly seen the light and, to prove it, was appearing on the stage of the Edsa shrine to be caught in the light of the cameras. Even in revolutionary times, our politicians follow Filipino time. Always late, but somehow, they manage to show up. If a conscience and love of country won’t move your heart, the fear of missing out on a historic photo opportunity will: this thought occurred to me as I saw suddenly-resigned Interior Secretary Fred Lim’s familiar white hair, and again, the same thought occurred to me much later, when I heard the crowd on the steps of the shrine booing and jeering Robert Jaworski (one of the 11 notorious senators’ whose refusal to let the evidence be opened sent us into the streets and aborted the impeachment trial in the first place) who tried to show up, only to be hooted at. Served him right.

But between seeing Lim and hearing Jaworski being yelled at to go home, together with a friend, I was able to hear the Cardinal’s prayer and Cory’s speech; confetti was raining down from every flyover. Never had the crowd been so dense. But after a few hours, it was nothing but speeches. We circled the shrine; I saw Mar Roxas, who had resigned over the corruption in the government months ago, shyly lurking in a corner of the chapel seemingly embarrassed to be associated with those who were only climbing on to the bandwagon now.

I shook my head and told my friend we needed food. With other members of the bourgeoisie, Jay and I headed to Ortigas to get some food. In the restaurant, two televisions were on; Joseph Estrada appeared on TV to announce he was calling for a “snap” election in which he would not run. Too little, too late. Footage on television also showed the scorpion tanks of the Presidential Security Group revving up, and the heavily-armed members of the PSG themselves, both in the sort of urban camouflage we hadn’t seen since the coup attempt of 1989, preparing to defend the man who was still President. We headed back to Edsa; the speeches had given way to dancing and music. I told my friend, “the action will be at the Palace, I want to see what’s going to happen.” And so to the Palace we went — or as close to it as we could possibly get.

At first we headed to Mendiola, saw a small stage, and decided that the press pass on my car was an invitation for trouble. The place to be, I felt, would be JP Laurel street. That is where we headed; spotting a GMA network pick up truck, I parked my car in front of it and proceeded to cross the street where two very large GMA mobile vans were parked. Every few minutes ABS-CBN pick-ups and mobile vans would zoom by; several pickups from radio stations reconnoitered the area more cautiously. I kibitzed with the kind people from GMA.

It was already about 11:00 pm by then. Word was that Estrada was holed up in the Palace with, depending on whom you talked to, a bottle of Johnny Walker Blue Label, presidential buddy and thug Baby Asistio, notorious senator and martial law mastermind Juan Ponce Enrile, and Executive Secretary Ed Angara, all of the above, some of the above, none of the above. The GMA crew in one of the mobile studio vans monitored channels 2 and 7; their colleagues ate instant noodles and other napped on chairs; then came news that Nani Perez and others were headed to the Palace to parley with the President.

“Looks like he’s getting ready to leave,” I told Jay. “Let’s stick around to see if he’s going to leave by chopper or if we’ll witness the last motorcade of his presidency.”

Shortly after midnight a source called me and told me the talks had broken down because Gen. Angelo Reyes, so recently the man who was proclaimed a hero even though he had said he still thought Estrada was a good president, had made certain commitments to Estrada that were unacceptable to the opposition. I talked to someone in charge of the GMA crew and asked for independent confirmation of the call I received; after a few minutes, the lady came back and said yes, their reporter within the Palace confirmed what had happened. Meanwhile, the radio stations announced that the opposition delegation had left the Palace but there was no news of whether talks had been fruitful or not.

By 1pm everyone knew the talks had broken down and that Estrada wanted five to seven more days to do something that did not seem to include signing a letter of resignation. The GMA reporters and I talked things over; the man in Malacanang showed no signs of leaving. “This means people are going to march, isn’t it?” I asked them. They agreed; the opposition had given Estrada until 6 am to step down, or the march would push on as was originally planned the day before.

Around half past one, the PSG soldiers manning the already barricaded JP Laurel gate had increased from a couple to four or five; an hour earlier we’d tried to get through, but had been politely refused entry; a couple of foreign journalists now tried doing the same thing and were told to get lost. I sat on the sidewalk, listening to the radio.

The evacuation of San Miguel’s residents began. Cars of homeowners from the neighborhood of Malacañang trying to exit were turned back from the JP Laurel gate; fifteen minutes later small groups of people carrying suitcases and plastic bags began walking out. You could, apparently, leave the Palace perimeter on foot. An old woman, carrying two big bags was helped along by two young men: this must have been her umpteenth evacuation since the war. A little while later some vans and a Tamaraw FX taxi or two arrived outside the JP Laurel gate, and families trickled out from the vicinity of the Palace. By this time Jay and I had been joined by a Chinese Filipino who lived in the San Miguel neighborhood but who couldn’t get back home because his car wasn’t allowed to enter the restricted area that his neighborhood had become. He waved goodbye to his departing neighbors.

It turned out he’d just arrived from Edsa. I asked why he’d gone to Edsa: “I went,” he told me, matter of factly, “because I was ashamed of what the senators did, and I want to live in a country where I don’t have to bribe the Bureau of Internal Revenue to keep my business going.” He explained that he had to pay off the BIR so much he couldn’t even give his employees a raise. “I think this is the country’s last chance. If things don’t change, even my people want to go abroad, and I’d want to go abroad.” He called his wife on his cellphone and told her he wasn’t allowed back in, and for her not to worry. He would become our companion for the rest of the day.

Around 2:30 in the morning, starving, Jay and I had breakfast in the Goodah! at the corner of Adela and JP Laurel. A sour-faced, rather pale Filipino was sitting at the counter, listening to a portable AM radio while his rather more pleasant-looking Chinese Filipino looking companion idly leafed though a copy of the Bulletin. “Are people going to push through with the march,” I asked, referring to the 6am deadline given by the opposition to Estrada. The man harrumphed and replied that he didn”t know what was taking everyone so long, they should have begun marching the moment news that the negotiations had failed had been broadcast.

A roly-poly Chinese Filipino and his girlfriend were on another side of the counter, enthusiastically having breakfast with a mestizo friend. After everyone had eaten, we all crossed the street and stood around a lamp-post staring at the JP Laurel PSG checkpoint bristling barbed wire. The mestizo, in between amused “coños” and other expletives speculated Estrada was drunk as a skunk; the rest debated on what to do. Should they wait for the crowd? One bystander agonized that he had an important business meeting in Makati. “Puta!” exclaimed the mestizo, “I’m not going to any meetings, this is history!” But within twenty minutes they had all left; some said they would head to Mendiola; the others didn’t explain where they were going. An overweight, extremely dark man sporting a Lakas-NUCD Secretariat Badge materialized and accosted me, demanding to know what was happening. I told him what I’d heard on the radio: talks had failed; some people had already begun to march toward Malacañang; the rest would march after mass at 6 am; he inquired about the PSG. I pointed at the PSG checkpoint and informed him they weren’t allowing journalists through. “Aha,” he snorted; “I-psy-psywar ko sila.” He waddled over to the PSG, shook their hands, and, I suppose, did his best to do psy-war ops in the best tradition of the leadership of Lakas. Then he waddled over to the GMA crew, and then waddled out of sight. It was now 3:30 a.m.

Expecting an assault on a presidential palace is like waiting for an invasion to begin; it involves one part adrenaline to three parts boredom and fatigue. Jay went off to take a nap in the car (after we’d moved it, for safety’s sake, to a small side street). I engaged in that favorite time-killing activity of media men and women, speculating on what might happen, with the kind people of GMA. More of their colleagues arrived. By now I was falling asleep on my feet and went to my car to nap a bit.

Sometime between 4 and 5 in the morning Jay jolted me awake and told me the radio had announced that the vanguard of the marchers had already gone past the Welcome Rotonda, reached España Avenue, and were regrouping, waiting for the rest. I got out of the car where one of the Channel 7 people said to me, “I’ve been looking for you, they’re headed here, although the Cardinal and Cory don’t want them to go.” It seemed only the militant groups were intent on marching on the Palace. “It’s only a matter of time,” the lady from GMA said. Shortly thereafter, the OB-Vans of GMA revved up their engines and headed for Mendiola.

All night long, Philippine National Police trucks, hardly any of them fully laden with troops, had been zooming around the neighborhood, apparently headed toward Mendiola. Squad cars would whisk by. But at 5:30 am about thirty PNP soldiers, without helmets, but armed with shields and very nasty looking wooden clubs (not even proper police batons) showed up. By the side of the road, a stack of packed breakfasts also materialized. The policemen ate; ten minutes later the PNP men in blue were reinforced by PNP troops in brown. “What’s the difference between your being in blue and those people being in brown?” Jay asked one policemen. “Well,” explained the cop, “we’re NCR PNP, those are from RECOM 3,” that is, from the provinces. The same policeman volunteered that those in brown were the ones authorized to carry weapons while those in blue only had shields and their nasty wooden clubs.

After breakfast a new barricade was erected at the beginning of JP Laurel St.; street urchins enthusiastically helped push metal barriers into place. A pudgy officer showed up and directed his troops to fortify the metal barriers with barbed wire.

Then, more waiting. Policemen smoked. Some could be seen sending text messages. Two or three were reading the Pinoy Times. Having planted a copy of Today on a nearby log used as a rest area by the policemen, I was pleased to see one cop pick up the paper, read it, and pass it on to a fellow cop. Two cops read Today’s op-ed section, two others seemed to prefer the lifestyle section. Again, tedium, broken only by a surprise visit from General Aglipay, who arrived to say hello from the other side of the barrier, but wasn’t allowed through. “We like him,” one cop volunteered, “he cares for our welfare, unlike Lacson who is just a political general”.

At 6:30 a.m. a woman arrived, in a woven straw hat with a yellow ribbon, the rest of her draped with a yellow sash; she got on her knees, and, through a megaphone, began to wail a novena to the Sacred Heart of Jesus. The policemen looked puzzled; several made the sign of the cross; orders were issued for them to firm up their formation. By 7 am the flags of the militant left could be seen approaching beneath the Nagtahan flyover, while the flyovers themselves began to be filled with people. The cops, during idle moments, practiced swinging their clubs.

In half an hour the protesters were there in full force; former Interior Secretary Raffy Alunan made a dramatic appearance; a few minutes later, noted professor Randy David was by his side; militant leftist leader Teddy Casiño showed up; an impromptu stage was erected. There was a program. The national anthem was sung; Bayan ko was sung; an artist got up on the small stage and proceeded to lead the crowd in hurling good natured and quite scandalous abuse at Estrada and the 11 senators of by now, more-than-ill repute. It was as if every time the fuse was lit, the protesters made a deliberate effort to snuff it out. They even called for cheers for the policemen. The policemen looked embarrassed.

Several times, Raffy Alunan, Randy David, and various politicians who decided to make a cameo appearance at the JP Laurel barrier linked arms, while others shouted, “let us through!” But then the tension would subside, and people would start cheering, or chanting, or singing.

Then the truck appeared in the distance. It was an enormous truck; probably a 16 wheeler. It tooted its horn several times. And for the first time, one heard drums in the distance. What seemed to be close to a hundred people stood on the flat bed of the truck, waving flags; the banner-waving militants on the ground by the barricade waved their banners. Fists were raised; CNN’s Mike Chinoy was spotted on the rooftop of the Chow King behind the barrier; everyone cheered and started chanting “Erap resign!” The truck was coming closer.

The officer in charge of the police called for two PNP buses, lurking in a side street, to be called out to barricade the street further; JP Laurel now had seven lines of defense; the line of barbed wire; the line of shield and truncheon wielding troops; the two buses; another line of policemen, this time those dressed in brown combat uniforms; another line of buses; a line of Philippine Air Force troops; and finally, the original PSG checkpoint.

While all this was going on, the news on the radio was that more marchers had decided to go through Mandaluyong, down Nueve de Febrero Avenue; and that the Air Force had decided to order “persuasion flights” over the Palace. Soon enough, the choppers spotted at Villamor air base the previous day soon thud-thudded overhead; people cheered; people began to chant “Erap resign!” once again, and this time, not merely for the gratification of the CNN crew; the policemen looked up, looking puzzled, and then looked more alarmed when a crowd of civilians, caught between the Chow King and the 7-11, both of which were within the police’s first line of defense, started chanting “Erap resign!” too. The defenders of the Palace had civilian oppositionists at their front and rear.

The ominously large truck, which the PNP officers obviously expected to attempt to ram through their defenses, suddenly began to swing away. The radio announced those at JP Laurel were giving up on trying to get to the Palace through this street, and would join their comrades now storming down Recto. The truck would be more useful there.

Upon hearing this news, we decided to head to Mendiola, trudging down Concepcion Aguila until we reached Mendiola bridge. The foot of the bridge nearest the Palace was even more strongly fortified than it was the night before; by the statue of Chino Roces at the other foot of the bridge, there stood a media platform where more potbellied police generals surveyed the scene. We went to the sort of plaza where Recto Avenue meets the foot of Mendiola bridge and, looking forward toward Recto, saw the left side of Legarda Street barricaded by policemen wearing modern-style American army helmets, to hold back the Estrada loyalists, while the right side of Legarda was barricaded by policemen with shields and clubs to hold back the rallyists awaiting reinforcements. Catcalls were being exchanged. A line of brown-clad policemen, wearing padded body armor, and with the usual shields and clubs, blocked Recto itself.

I sat on a sidewalk, hoping I wasn’t sitting on human waste, for everywhere, from canal, from sidewalk, from street and gutter, from JP Laurel where we earlier were, to Mendiola where we now milled around with the rest of the media, one could only smell the stench of garbage: the sickly-sweet, putrid odor of decayed and decaying things. Another line of policemen was ordered to form at the foot of Mendiola bridge itself; behind this line of troops, mainly policewomen, was parked a fire truck, twin of the one parked along JP Laurel.

Slowly, but inexorably, you began to see the flags. Waving constantly. Moving forward agonizingly slowly. Then the truck, the same truck that had menaced the JP Laurel barricades, could be seen in the distance. If there had been a less than two hundred at the JP Laurel gate, here now approached thousands, if not tens of thousands. The other group of protesters on Legarda street could hear their comrades coming. And still the protesters marched on. Foot by foot, tirelessly waving their flags; the truck was getting closer and closer. You could hear the steady beating of drums. This was the steady tattoo of a plebian army intent on liberating the Palace.

The second line of policemen on Mendiola bridge itself was ordered into formation and banged their shields in the manner Roman legionaries must have done as they prepared to do battle. I overheard an officer say that they would hold the line at the last column of the still uncompleted MRT before the bridge itself.

Closer and closer came the truck; from the radio came a call from the pro-Estrada leaders telling their people to abandon their position on Legarda. But the pro-Estrada people stayed. The truck passed column after column of the unfinished MRT; then something strange happened.

The truck began to turn; it passed between two columns and proceeded to block the entire breadth of Recto. It was not going to ram the troops after all. It was going to be turned into an impromptu stage. How funny, I thought; here they were, ready to run over policemen in padded body armor, and instead, they were going to put on the Leftist equivalent of a vaudeville show.

But journalists more experienced than I, apparently sensed what was going to happen, and a photographer beside me advised me to pull back to Mendiola bridge itself. We clambered on to a shack.

As far as the eye could see, Recto was a sea of humanity, waving the banners of cause-oriented groups; the impromptu stage provided by the flatbed of the truck now filled with people. Fists were raised; the national anthem was sung. The last lines were not even sung at all; they were roared. At the police.

At which point, the sound system on the truck started to blare out one of the rock and roll songs from the famous “white album”; and the tens of thousands of the proletariat, which only a minute ago seemed ready to charge the police, began to dance. They danced and shouted; their comrades on Legarda began to shout.

The dancing was not, as I thought it was, an attempt to defuse the tension. It was, instead, what was needed to provide the last, vital surge of adrenaline that led to the conquest of Mendiola bridge.

For even as the song ended and the tens of thousands at Recto cheered, a great roar went up from those at Legarda, and in their enthusiasm, the crowd surged forward and knocked over the barricade; Jay, who was closer, later recounted to me that even as the barricade collapsed, the surprised activists at first instinctively pulled back; some even shouted “peace, peace!” But the police themselves fell back, and with a great roar those on Legarda charged ahead.

Padded body armor, shields and clubs and all, the policemen barricading Recto hadn’t a chance. Their comrades having broken through, those on Recto surged forward, linked arms with those coming from Legarda, and in a few moments, a sea of flags covered the ground between Recto, Legarda, and the foot of Mendiola bridge. Where the statue of Chino Roces had had been surrounded by police officers and media men, a swarm of men and women waving flags now stood.

The moment we saw the barricade on Legarda give way, we pulled back to the fire truck on Mendiola itself; from there we saw the two groups of rallyists link up; from the fire truck we saw policemen drop their shields; policewomen ran past in shock; the thousands at the foot of Mendiola seemed preparing to regroup and were about to surge ahead; indeed, they did start moving forward again. A long-haired photographer, perched on the fire truck with me and a perhaps a dozen other media people, turned to me and said, “brod, lumipat na tayo, matindi na ito.”

So we pulled back some more, to the vicinity of the San Beda College and Centro Escolar University. Where, minutes before, we’d been perched on a fire truck the Police in their hurry to flee hadn’t even the presence of mind to use, more militant protesters now stood, waving their flags.

From Concepcion Aguila St. came screeching the black SUV of General Aglipay, followed by two pick up trucks of SWAT teams. A new phalanx of policemen bearing shields was ordered to form; behind them, the SWAT teams began preparing their weapons. After the position of the SWAT team, there was only the PSG gate at the foot of Mendiola and then the ornate Commonwealth-era gates of Malacañang itself.

On the radio, the night had been spent with news of Vice-President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo being urged to take her oath of office as president, and news too, that Chief Justice Davide was prepared to swear her in, provided Estrada would resign. The 6 a.m. deadline of the opposition for Estrada to resign was moved to 12 noon; then it was announced, around the time the truck of the militants had been inching its way up Recto, that the Vice-President was in an emergency meeting at Villa San Miguel, Cardinal Sin’s residence. Soon after that, Justice Panganiban would announce that Davide had agreed to swear in Arroyo as President at noon, at the Edsa shrine, to avoid bloodshed.

It was shortly after the SWAT teams had set up their positions that people suddenly went quiet and those who had radios turned them on, so people could hear what was going on. Gloria Macapagal Arroyo was about to take her oath of office. The SWAT teams relaxed; the soldiers rested their shields on the ground. The tens of thousands at the foot of Mendiola began another impromptu program. It looked like the tension had been defused.

Now the attention of the country turned to the Edsa shrine. Jay and I trudged toward JP Laurel, stopped at a carinderia which had a television showing the ABS-CBN coverage of the inauguration of the new president.

We were joined in the carinderia by sweaty policemen and tired rallyists; we watched the crowds at Edsa roar as Gloria Macapagal Arroyo was sworn in. We hurriedly finished our food and headed back to Mendiola to see what, if anything, would happen. Policemen were sitting on the ground. The rallyists were holding a program on their truck-cum-stage. Citizens stood by, listening to the new President’s inaugural speech. An old journalist asked me if Estrada had resigned; we both stood silently as a hoarse, tired Edgardo Angara announced that Estrada had prepared a resignation letter but would not sign it because the Supreme Court had taken matters into its own hands. At the conclusion of Gloria’s speech, a few people applauded; the rest seemed stunned.

There would be no invasion of Malacañang. The statue of Chino Roces was as far as the army of invasion headed toward Malacañang ever got. Cory and the Cardinal’s call for a halt to the march had been defied; but the marchers never did get to Malacañang. When Chief Justice Hilario Davide, Jr. said he did what he did to save lives, and when it was later announced that both Cardinal Sin and Cory Aquino had told Gloria Macapagal Arroyo to take her oath of office now, lest blood be shed, they knew what they were doing.

For there was all the making of a bloodbath on Mendiola that day. And even as I trudged back to my car, eventually to escape the closely guarded perimeter of Malacanang by being allowed to squeeze through a one-way street leading to San Rafael, I could hear a group of young girls singing this song (to the tune of the Battle Hymn of the Republic):

Gloria, Gloria labandera
Gloria, Gloria labandera
Gloria, Gloria labandera
Labandera lang si Gloria!

It was not the victory nor the manner of victory Gloria Macapagal Arroyo may have wanted; but she prevented a bloodbath by shifting attention from the attempted invasion of Malacanang by taking an oath of office she wanted to take only when Estrada had properly resigned. I head the drums of the Left; I saw the clubs and rifles of the PNP; the whole country saw the scorpion tanks. Edsa II as peaceful people power was literally kept as such at the last minute, by the swearing in of a little woman by a kindly white haired man.


Bone tired, feet aching, it seemed all over. I wanted to go home. My friend’s mother wanted her son home. Had I know that a few hours’ waiting might have given me the chance to see Estrada’s final statement flung from between the wrought iron railings of the Palace gate, perhaps I would have stuck around for the pleasure of walking into a Malacañang that was Estrada-free. But I was sound asleep when a creaky, rusty barge ferried Estrada and family across the Pasig river to a waiting convoy of cars. I was asleep when he returned to his mansion in Greenhills. When I woke up, what should have been the provisional government was, perhaps to the public’s surprise if not to itself, now saying it was absolutely constitutionally-in-charge of the Palace. I’d heard the Vice-President take her oath as “acting president,” but that would be the last anyone would hear of that distinction. I slept through the last act, but was grateful, just the same, to have been in the midst of the goings on between the barricades.

As Marichu Lambino recalls, Edsa Dos was a proud moment. No regrets for her; it’s what’s happened since that’s a cause for regret. Or are those of us who were there, simply rationalizing? In today’s Philippine Commentary, the goings-on involving the Supreme Court (behind-the-scenes) are premised on an argument that Dean Jorge Bocobo says was a rationalization because it wasn’t the only scenario left to play out.

Agree or disagree? Bocobo also points to Anthony Spaeth’s Oops, We Did It Again, which was an unwelcome splash of cold water so soon after the culmination of events. This reminds me of the rejoinder I wrote soon after-

Philippines Free Press commentary, February 10. 2001

The puzzling Filipino
by Manuel L. Quezon III

WE little brown brothers have our foreign journalist friends all puzzled: what to do with what the Filipino has done, otherwise known, locally, as Edsa II? We even have our Asian brothers puzzled, particularly Lee Kwan Yew, whom we all know shudders at the very thought of anything disorganized or spontaneous, particularly when its in the name of democracy. How messy. How frustrating. How, well, utterly Filipino!

Our executive editor, Teodoro Locsin, Jr. you will read in this issue, has his own answers to the particularly bothersome (to Filipinos, that is) observations of Jim Mann and Anthony Spaeth; I myself feel obliged to respond to these people as well. But how, as TODAY columnist Raul Rodrigo put it, and I hope I am doing justice to his thoughts, to argue with people from a country hardly half of whom bother to vote, and who have meekly accepted precisely the sort of Supreme Court intervention echoed by our own Supreme Court when it authorized the inauguration of Gloria Macapagal Arroyo? George W. “Shrub” Bush became president of a country that managed an election, in Florida, anyway, that had Indians and Filipinos cackling that the Great North American Nation seemed to be regressing to Third World levels of democratic practice.

That is why I feel a certain reluctance to have to feel obligated to defend our democracy to Americans, never mind Lee Kwan Yew. But as foreign journalist after journalist has wondered, was Edsa II mob rule? Was it a case of a one step forward, three steps back, we so sorry but we make boo-boo with democracy yet again, kimosabe? But I suppose that is how it is; we pride ourselves on our love for democracy; and if we practice it in a manner puzzling to others, then there’s nothing else to do but sit them gently down and explain to them what it’s all about, Yankee.

To the question of how many Filipinos really wanted Estrada out, one only has to reply, did you notice how hundreds of thousands spontaneously went out on the streets, not just in Metro Manila but throughout the country? And I would even ask them this: the answer to your question lies in American history itself, where one third of American colonials fought Britain, the other third stayed loyal to King George III, and the remaining third muddled along and sort of sat on the fence.

The same could be said to have happened in the case of Edsa II. To make sense of what, indeed, was a puzzling phenomenon, one must recognize that yes, Joseph Estrada was elected by a plurality in an honest election. Yes, there was a clearly defined way for Filipinos to get rid of a President whom foreign journalists seem to forget was not just a womanizer, a gambler, and crook, but -and this is the crucial but- a big bully.

The Philippines -Filipinos- tried to do everything by the book, they tried to do everything exactly as specified by the Constitution, they even rallied within parameters defined by that Constitution as far as the right to free speech and assembly are concerned. Joseph Estrada, on his part, did what he could legitimately do, which was, first of all, proclaim in public that he was all for the impeachment process but proceed, in private, to muster every resource available to block the impeachment reaching the trial stage.

Now the reason Estrada fell in the estimation of nearly anyone can be given short shrift: first of all, he alienated every important sector because of his bad habits and his gangster mentality. It is not true the businessmen and the elite were against him from the start. As has happened time and again in our history, the ruling class of this country loves a winner. They fall over themselves in proclaiming every new President the greatest in history. The businessmen that supposedly hated Estrada from the start were licking his boots until several things happened. First, Estrada wanted to give Marcos a heroes’ burial. Then Estrada wanted the Constitution amended. Worst of all, under Estrada, the stock market suffered its biggest scandal. Then Estrada began to bully the media, and started using the internal revenue service to go after his opponents.

Now if this isn’t enough to alienate businessmen who, while used to asking for favors, still have a lingering phobia of too many fixers having too strong an influence on government policy, and if this isn’t enough to alarm a public that tends to equate media freedom with its own freedom, and if the President’s personal life isn’t enough to start getting the Church and middle class antsy, and if, you add all of this together, this isn’t enough to convince decent citizens that the guy on top is a greedy thug, and if people still don’t do anything about it, then what would this say about Filipinos?

At least they got mad. They got upset. Sectors started getting disenchanted and deciding the man had to go -but Constitutionally. And so the first Edsa rally happened and, by all accounts, Estrada was so frightened he was all set to resign if an honorable transition could be arranged.

But then mob rule entered the picture. Edsa II, as it would develop, was precisely against mob rule; it was mob rule that was mobilized to amass a million Filipinos at Rizal Park and which gave Estrada the courage to continue fighting, and to think that his opponents lacked numbers and the will to kick him out.

Rule number one in politics. Never underestimate your opponents; rule no.2, never underestimate your own people.

The truth was, the opposition, filled with faces every bit as repugnant as the crooks surrounding Estrada and Estrada himself, did a poor showing after Estrada’s massive National Prayer Day rally. The militant left, to its credit, silly as its stunts appeared at the time, decided to keep the momentum going. And as for the mainstream opposition, there was enough momentum from the original Edsa rally to push through the impeachment bill and send it to the senate, which suddenly found itself with an impeachment trial on its lap.

The rest of the story, unfortunately, can make no sense to anyone who did not bother to follow both the impeachment trial as it creaked along day after day, and how the Filipino people responded to that trial, day after day. It was an unprecedented experience in communal political and legal education. Indeed the mainstream opposition was rather lukewarm about the impeachment because it would take too long, and if it actually resulted in a conviction, would put tremendous pressure on the Ramos-era crooks eager to replace the Estrada-era crooks. The Left, as well, was none too pleased with this mechanism of democracy which would have further affirmed that tedious and silly as it may be from time to time (as exhibited by the behavior of certain senators) democracy, in the end, gets the job done.

Filipinos followed the impeachment trial closely, and the majority of them kept an open mind. Never mind the biases displayed by individual senators; the public took its chance to play jury quite seriously indeed. And it began to notice something fishy.

First it noticed a recalcitrant attitude as far as the President’s defense was concerned, to allow the opening of certain documents that, if the President’s assertions of innocence were to be believed, shouldn’t have harmed his case at all. The public also saw witness after witness being cross-examined by the President’s formidable legal team, and the curious inability of that team to demolish any of the testimony of the most damaging witnesses.

Then the reputation of the President as a bully came back to haunt him. Witnesses complained of harassment; of threats. A noted -and notorious- public relations man who may have had damaging information on the President, suddenly disappeared. People -and by this I mean not those already decided on the President’s guilt, but the majority of Filipinos trying to keep an open mind- began to get a sense of deja vu. This was too reminiscent of Marcos’s time.

The public wanted the truth because it agreed that the President was entitled to his day in court -but was appalled when the President’s own lawyers came to be seen as increasingly obstructionist and even resorted to stunts that the public found reprehensible. Meanwhile the President kept pleading his innocence and thundered only the rich and influential were against him.

Then came the fatal day when, having avoided several landmines that would have blown up the senate’s integrity, the senate was forced to vote on whether to allow the opening of a second envelope, voluntarily handed over by a bank, so that it could be inspected to see if its contents might be used as evidence. Emphasis on might. There was a division of the House; the nays had it; what made many heretofore undecided and level-headed people rise in fury was that the Chief Justice was not even allowed to rule on the opening of the envelope, but was shoved aside as the senate, upon the motion of a perceived ally of the President, seconded by an even more feisty pro-Estrada senator, asserted the prerogative of the senate to rule on the matter itself.

This is what gave the opposition, which included the Church, has-been politicians, middle class-do-gooders, and the militant left, the numbers that created People Power Part II. The reaction of the public, particularly among the young, was as dramatic as it was unhesitating. To take to the streets.
Curiously enough, they took to the streets to ask their President, in language ranging from the pitiful to the crude, to please, damnit, resign. And day after day, the numbers just got bigger.

The impeachment trial had obviously been reduced to the level of a farce; and what was repugnant to the people at Edsa II was that a Constitutionally-ordained process was perverted by the very President and his allies that said they were all for it. To those gathered at Edsa II, it was simply a matter of refusing to becoming a party to a travesty of justice; of demanding that they not be made accomplices to the criminal perversion of the Constitution.

They rallied for that Constitution. And the President’s answer, to the people, petitioning him day after day, to step down and resign and let the Constitution take its course, was to try to figure out ways to pacify people by promising them all sorts of things. What messed it up for him was that his own henchmen snidely remarked that this was just a street party, and would not last, and they had the numbers to counter the numbers at Edsa II.

But they hadn’t the numbers. During the impeachment trial itself, when anti-Estrada protesters peaceably assembled outside the senate, the government got it into its head to send masses of its own supporters to the senate too. That many turned out to have been paid is incidental to the story; that they tried to provoke violence is not; for on the next to the last day of Estrada’s occupation of the Palace, it would be his supporters who tried to resort to mob rule. It was his supporters, led by the Mayor of Quezon City and the head of the Metro Manila Development Authority, who led people to the heart of the business district where they proceeded to throw stones at people and buildings.

On the last day of Estrada’s occupation of the Palace, a great division took place. Cory Aquino and Cardinal Sin asked the people to stay at Edsa; the militant left, impatient with all the earnest pleading for Estrada to resign, decided to march on the Palace.

I saw the massed ranks of the Left approach the Palace; I saw the policemen and the soldiers prepared to fire on them; I saw those protesters move inexorably forward, but always asking for permission to proceed first, and only when stopped, did they keep on marching anyway. Sooner or later, they would have reached the Palace and a bloodbath might have ensued; Estrada may have even ended up like Mussolini.

But he did not. The Armed Forces saw what was coming and preferred, gingerly as they did, to step aside and let the people have their way. And if President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo had to take her oath of office when the incumbent still sat in guarded isolation in the Palace refusing to step down, it was because she, the Chief Justice, Cory Aquino and Cardinal Sin knew that this was the only way to prevent a massacre at the Palace.

Edsa II was not the victory of mob rule; it was the opposite; it was a victory against mob rule, for mob rule was what Estrada hoped would be his salvation; mob rule is what, to a lesser extent, would have been the case had a new generation of Filipino Communists and Socialists achieved their historical dream of storming the presidential palace.

To the bitter end, and this is what made Estrada’s evacuation of the Palace and the installation of the new government such a bittersweet event, the overwhelming number of Filipinos stood by their Constitution and pleaded, shouted, sang, danced, chanted, and stood for a Constitutionally-iron-clad resolution. A resolution that Joseph Estrada denied them; a resolution that Estrada’s attorneys and supporters in the senate denied them; and which, the Armed Forces, in making its own accommodations with Estrada, denied them.

Yes, it was a pity the impeachment came to a sudden and grinding halt; it is a pity President Arroyo assumed office and holds office while Estrada resorts to all sorts of arguments maintaining he is still President. It is a pity the Supreme Court had to step in.

But it was not a pity, and not a mistake, for a people, particularly the young, with the blessings of their parents, and coming from all classes, poor and rich, perfumed and smelling of the sweat-shops owned by the rich, to see that they were being made accomplices to the corruption of their own Constitution. And that to the end, it was for that Constitution, according to the rights guaranteed them by that Constitution, and in the name of that Constitution, that they petitioned a President to resign.

That Estrada did not resign; that he hoped his mobs would fight for him; that his mansion has not been attacked are all proof, to my mind, that there was no mob rule, but in effect, a determined effort to resist its exciting possibilities. Neither a risky line was crossed, as Jim Mann of Time put it, nor was it a case of Oops, we did it again, as Anthony Spaeth expressed it.

What happened was that you can cry foul all you want, but if the other side refuses to play the game, as the game should be played, and that side happens to have tremendous resources on its side, you have no recourse but to rally. As people rally all over the place, all the time.

Filipinos showed a devotion to the rule of law bolstered by their having spent day after day mastering its intricacies; they showed a devotion to their Constitution verging on the idolatrous. That in expressing their refusal to let a poisoned process continue, they pleaded with their President to heed the call of his country to step down -and that he did not heed it, is not the failure of the Filipino people, or even Philippine democracy. It is what happens when leaders like Joseph Estrada pin their hopes on mob rule.

All in the name of the Constitution, and yet all despite the Constitution. This is what confuses observers. All I can say is get a translator, rewind the tapes of the impeachment trial, and talk to more Filipinos. And it will be clear to you that when faced with a bully, your only refuge is to cling together and demand change. And no one can question that the change they wanted was a clearly defined one: for a President to step down, as he is entitled to do so, because he had been caught bullying witnesses, using attorneys too wily and yet too obviously obstructionist, and a senate that would have given the man what he did not deserve: a vindication.

Perhaps the problem of the Filipino is this: he has an instinctive understanding of justice, and does not like to be made a fool of.

The problem, to my mind, came afterwards -the Supreme Court’s decision justifying its own behavior and rationalizing the manner Estrada left office. That, and the eventual admission by the President’s husband that Spaeth was right in conspiracy having played an enormous role in the events. This is where critics of Edsa II have it right: people were had. But still, there are arguments Spaeth made that show he never understood even Edsa I: such as his criticism of setting aside Marcos’ constitution. The question was not whether that constitution had to go -it was never a valid one- but whether the 1935 Constitution should be restored, or a revolutionary government proclaimed. The 1935 option was set aside, though to restore it would have been closer to what Edsa in 1986 was, for those leading it -a restoration of the premartial law order, which for all its defects was superior to martial law- while for those on the streets, a revolution (but peaceful!) was what was desired but which could never be fulfilled, considering the limitations of those who would lead…

Most of all, it died with a whimper almost as soon as the last strains of “Bayan Ko” had been sung. Many young people there were appalled when the same old deals began to be made; they’d hoped to experience what they’d been too young to undergo in 1986; but in 2001 they saw a divided nation, and one where the other half wouldn’t take things sitting down, and that was Edsa III. Estrada’s historic victory in 1998 was still too fresh in his constituents’ minds; Marcos had last won a proper election in 1969 which was almost a generation away from 1986. By 2004, Edsa II was formally buried and we have what we have…
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  1. bogchimash

    Ocampo’s testimony is water under the bridge. Erap has admitted signing as Jose Velarde before her in his capacity as guarantor for the Gatchalian loan. It has now become an undisputed fact. Be that as it may, the Ombudsman has dropped the illegal use of alias charge wherein the Ocampo testimony has bearing. Harm to the public is an element of the crime. Since the transaction was private, no government funds were used and the Velarde account belongs to Jaime Dechaves as the contents of the second envelope (their own evidence) points out, the prosecution wisely abandoned the charge.

    As for the other charges, the pieces of evidence, including the of ownership of this and that, have yet to be linked to acts of crime. What incriminates is proof, not mere evidence. The impeachment trial never got to that point and the Ombudsman (one of the private prosecutors in the impeachment trial) argued strenously against the t.v. airing of the Sandiganbayan procedings. What in their case are they hiding from the public, a gaping hole in the middle of it perhaps? For us outsiders, it will just be a war of who has the better tsimis. Nonetheless, from the empirical, what I see is that the Ombudsman, despite gross abuse of government powers and more than sufficient time, still has not made public announcements regarding the connection of Erap’s properties and lifestyle to crimes. The Sandiganbayan too cannot hand down a conviction after all these years. A special division was already created for the sole purpose of trying him and yet the decision has taken so long. Another indication of the weakness of their case is the pathetic linking of Erap to destabilization movements that, as usual, have to be dropped because of lack of evidence. The buzzword in lawyer circles, after both sides have rested, is that the Sandiganbayan will declare a mistrial. This is its safeway out. They cannot stomach convicting Erap due to the failure of the prosecution but, at the same time, are not ready to declare him innocent. The latter is tantamount to saying that the SC was wrong in its 13-0 decision, a stunt that a lower court will not dare pull against a higher one.

  2. The Ca t

    I think up to now Erap is still given due process.

  3. bogchimash

    …if this administation is that gracious to its biggest threat, then we should support it!

  4. rude boy

    oh yeah, under the Estrada presidency, the local stock market had its biggest scandal – in which, in case anyone has forgotten, then Senator Rene Cayetano (father of Peter Alan) profitted quite handsomely (and conveniently neglected to mention these profits in his SAL that year). The late Senator never adequately (to my mind at least) explained how he managed to make an obscenely large profit from such a negligible investment to begin with (insider trading comes to mind).

    Now, where was Peter Alan when all this was going down? I applaud his strong aversion to corruption & his crusade to force public officials to disclose & account for the (possibly illegal) sources of their wealth, but I wish he could be more consistent. This is why almost all politicians from the trapo families have such little credibility: they look away when their family members & allies profit from illegal maneuverings but suddenly recover their consciences when it is their opponents who are implicated in illegalities.

    Oh, & this is for bogchimash —> If Estrada was the guarantor for the Gatchalian loans, why would he require a pseudonym? I mean, he was the guarantor BECAUSE of his position as Joseph Estrada, then President of the Republic of the Philippines. So why would he use a phony name, signing as some fictional character & not as the powerful person (the President no less, with the clout to act as the guarantor of multi-million/billion deals) that he actually was? Just wondering.

  5. bogchimash

    To be honest, I really do not know why Erap signed with a pseudonym. Upon reviewing the facts of the matter, I also discovered that I erred in saying Ocampo testified that Erap signed as a guarantor. All she actually said was that Erap signed in front of her as Jose Velarde and Erap later confirmed this. I apologize for my mistake. I have not been dwelling on it since the illegal use of alias was already found wanting in evidence by the courts. What I am certain however is that the prosecution’s own second envelope contained documents pointing to Jaime Dechaves as the owner of the Velarde account and the Ocampo testimony did not mention of involvement of government funds. Furthermore, Jaime Dechaves and Equitable Bank Officials higher than Ocampo have already made statements in court that Erap is not Jose Velarde. Can’t we just leave it at that?

    With regard to the BW shares, I will not contest what you are saying about it being watered down stocks. Everybody knows that already. The brokers knew that the stocks were basically worthless and yet they encouraged its trading when the artificial demand for it shifted to high gear. The only asset of BW, if I remeber correctly, is an unfinished piece of real property. Statutorily, the selling of watered down stocks is criminally unethical. To say, however, that Dante Tan and Moonie Lim was out to rob people blind is not exactly an accurate statement.

    BW is actually BWGE or BW Gaming and Entertainment. It acquired the Sheraton Marina property along Mabini st. wherein its intended Gaming and Entertainment business(Casino) will be put up. When the public learned that BW’s partner in the venture was going to be Macao’s Casino Mogul Stanley Ho, the corporation’s stocks shot up. The frenzy got everybody talking about the arrival of this big shot from Macao, including those who did not patronize the casinos or the PSE. Soon enough, word of it got to the late Cardinal Sin who disliked the idea of having more casinos. He then called Erap.

    That floating restaurant behind the Folk Arts Theatre, why it remains as nothing more than a dining place, is a testimony to how Erap responded. He sent Ho packing. And the BW shares crashed. Erap lost a lot of friends in the upper class for this decision.

    True, there was massive insider trading. As per law, it is illegal. Unlike in other countries, however, the stock market here is not where hedgefunds and the bulk of capital is tied. Many haciendas, family owned corporations and our saviors like blogger The Cat (OFWs) are still not represented there. The PSE is relatively a close knit group. The buyers of BW shares knew that they were walking on eggs when they acquired those stocks. Knowingly, they bought watered down stocks. When BW crashed, the hypocrites blamed Tan and made a lot of noise as though they were innocent victims.

    During the impeachment trial, Yulo (PSE boss) testified that Erap did not entertain him when he complained about SEC Chair Yasay, who was not doing anything about the illegal activities of Tan. He was simply told to go back to Yasay instead. For his part, and to avoid blame, Yasay said that he sat on the matter because Erap told him “ayusin niyo ‘yan.” He took it to mean that Tan must be cleared. Of course such was his interpretation lest he be accused of sleeping on his duties or worse, suspected of bribery. He stuck to the vague statement over and over again to protect his hide but when pressed for a direct instruction from the President on the matter, he caved. Erap, according to this witness for the prosecution, said “kung may kaso, kasuhan niyo.”

    In the impeachment trial, the prosecutor’s beef against Erap was not for the insider trading itself but the cover-up that ensued. Their theory was that Erap tried to save Tan who is a very close friend. The contrary prior event of Erap causing Tan’s downfall completes the picture but it will ruin their case. Hence, only the beneficial segment got the focus.

  6. bogchimash

    hey wait…I revisited the thread and I could not find a prior statement from me saying Ocampo testifed that Erap signed as guarantor. I did not make a mistake. Just the same, I still apologize if I have stressed out those who have different viewpoints. peace 🙂

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